It is important to support the People of Gaza, these 1,500,000 people are under siege. The situation in Gaza must change.
But today there is no need to deliver Aid and Israel will not let them get into Gaza port and if they have things to deliver to Gaza they can do it through Israel or Egypt. This is why it consider by many people as Provocation aim to force Israel to use force. If this is the aim, so I am not sure it is "non violence" act any how it will not lead to "One voice"
Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu on Monday advised the organizers of a Gaza aid flotilla planning to set sail later this month, to "wait" and reconsider their plan in light of the changes in the Gaza Strip.
This is the first time Davutoglu suggested flotilla organizers should reconsider their plans.
Turkey’s Ahmet Davutoglu
|Photo by: AP|
The Turkish minister told reporters that he urged the flotilla's organizers to see how the Egyptian opening of the Rafah border crossing with Gaza has affected the situation in the coastal strip before heading toward the area, Turkish daily Zaman reported.
Davutoglu also reiterated that the flotilla was organized by a non-government group, the Humanitarian Aid Foundation (İHH), and therefore there was no legal way to stop the actual departure of the ship.
The IHH also played a leading role in the Gaza aid flotilla that set sail for the Gaza Strip last year, during which nine Turkish activists died in a confrontation with navy commandos.
Israel is preparing to block the next flotilla as well as it maintains a naval siege on the Gaza Strip. However, immediately after the flotilla incident in May 2010, Israel changed its position dramatically regarding the amount and extent of goods allowed into the Gaza Strip. Egypt's reopening of the Rafah border crossing removes the rest of the coordinated siege both states had imposed on Gaza.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said that Israel prefers a diplomatic move to thwart the flotilla expected at the end of June, but if necessary would exercise force against anyone who tries to disobey the navy's orders and heads to Gaza's shore.
Meanwhile, several Turkish leaders have lined up to condemn an editorial in leading magazinethe Economist, that urged voters to back the opposition in Sunday's election, calling it part of an anti-democratic, pro-Israeli campaign to weaken Turkey.
Opinion polls indicate Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's AK Party will comfortably secure a third term.
Erdogan himself said the article showed Israeli influence.
"The international media, because they are backed by Israel, wouldn't be happy with the continuation of the AK Party government," Erdogan said, according to comments reported by the state-run Anatolian agency at the weekend.
In an editorial entitled "One for the opposition", the avowedly pro-free-market, pro-democracy Economist, which regularly expresses a party preference in advance of elections, wrote: "The best way for Turks to promote democracy would be to vote against the ruling party."
Relations between Turkey and Israel, which had already gone from friendly to strained after Israel's war in the Gaza Strip, broke down completely a year ago after the Israeli raid on the Turkish-flagged ship Mavi-Marmara carrying aid for Gaza.
Like Neri said - if they wanted to bring aid they would just deliver it to Egyption or Israeli ports and Israel would bring it in,.... The point here is not humanitarian but political provocation. A number of ships have been stopped brining arms into Gaza which are then used against Israeli civilians, for this reason there is a blockade. Israel MUST check these ships...
Amplifying the behaviour of an oppressive law - direct action and social change
A key aim of nonviolent social change is to amplify the behaviour of an oppressive law. From Gandhi, to King to Jesus of Nazareth the principle of standing up to the dominant power, whilst not raising a hand is a tried and tested tactic.
Jewish-Israeli noviolent resistance to occupation
Palestinian nonviolent resistance
See the work of former mepeace member Mazin Qumsiyeh
Zoughbhi Zoughbhi (1,)
See the nonviolent resistance in Budrus, Bil'in, Ni'lin, Nabi Salih
This stands in contrast to the following provocation
What is not non-violent protest:
Not sure if you saw this but here are the latest images of the non-violent peace activists...
Healthy skepticism verses blind acceptance of government propaganda
It looks like we choose to believe what we like. I have previously written of how I am concerned Israel's confiscation of all the sound and audio equipment of the peace activists and media on board the ship has led to a distorted version of events. If Israel has nothing to hide then release all the footage from the ship. Isolated photos like these cannot be accepted at face value without consideration of all the footage and recordings.
If there was no siege of Gaza by Israel would the activists have gone. Remember this was the 9th trip. The real provocation is the siege and the failure for Israel to come to terms with a failure to deal with 60+ years of history that have involved the isolation and dispossession of the Palestinian people. Violence on the part of Palestinians in response to dispossession, though a natural right has not been an effective method to bring about a just resolution. Hence the importance of nonviolent resistance.
Jeff, in the end failure to help Palestinan people will only lead to further bloodshed. True defenders of Israel will use discretion and healthy skepticism. This is the liberalism democratic tradition, not blind defence of government. That is what automatons in autocratic states do.
Jeff from a peace-making point of view would you see settlement building as provocative?
This was a front page story in one of Israelis leading papers yesterday - not one of the right wing ones as well.... Looks like they will release the full video footage soon.
"Violence on the part of Palestinians in response to dispossession, though a natural right has not been an effective method to bring about a just resolution." - does this mean you condone the violence, the attempted murder of civilians or not, I am confused. Should they not try to kill children in school buses because it is wrong or just ineffective?
Listen, I am not looking to defend government policies but civilians who suffer. I think that true defenders of Palestinians should not justify violence as legitimate, that is what brings death to all.... remember there was no blockade until Hamas, a internationally recognized terrorist organization with a charter of destroying Israel took over.... Remember the thousands of rockets, remember the Karin A, the Victoria, death ships carrying more weapons to kill the innocent ergo the blockade.
Israel has always used violent methods.
Why do you fuss about Palestinian violence?
The targetting if civilians is morally, legally and tactically unacceptable
It is good Jeff you are concerned about civilians who suffer. Although it would be more comforting to know that you are including the plight of Palestinian civilians as well as Israeli civilians. I hope your concern includes that of the plight of Palestinian-Israeli civilians who lost their lives during protests following Israel's response to the second intifada [Orr Commission, Asel Aslih].
I too am concerned. Morally, legally and tactically targetting civilians only prolongs the conflict. Ultimately it hurts not only the receiver of the violence but the perpetrator, because it opens up reprisals and collective punishment (either directed at Israelis or Palestinians).
In terms of your comments about rockets and mortars.
How many thousands of live rounds, rubber bullets and tear gas have been shot at Palestinian civilians in the past ten years? How many thousand of Palestinians civilians have been killed by Israel armed forces and settlers? In the last ten years more than 2,297 Palestinian civilians have been killed not directly involved in hostilities. Not to mention the international civilians or UN personnel killed. This does not include those Palestinians who have died through the effect of check points and the blockade. 496 Israeli civilians have been killed within Israel and 243 have been killed within the occupied Palestinian territories since the second intifada. Although the 243 figure does not specify the circumstances behind the deaths, i.e whether those killed were involved in hostilities against Palestinians. The big difference here is Israeli civilians in the occupied Territories are allowed to be armed whereas Palestinians or not (with the exception of Palestinian security forces in Areas A and B).
Again I denounce the targeting of civilians intentionally or with reckless indifference to human life, whether that is from the Israeli side or Palestinian. Just as terrorism from the Palestinian side hurts prospects for peace, so too does state terror. The symmetry in power between the occupied and the occupier is profoundly distinct. One has the backing of the world's principal super power, the other is denied the right of self defence and is left in legal limbo while western leaders shift blame.
The blockade of Gaza
(i) maritime blockade: 1967-present
(ii) air blockade: 1967-1998; 2001-present
(iii) land blockade: various times since 1967 (the latest period (ie 2005-2011) has been the most difficult for receiving basic goods; although with new Egyptian leadership there has been some progress)
The blockade of Gaza began long before Hamas came to power. The current phase of the blockade was heightened, not something new. Ever since 1967 Gaza has had a maritime blockaded. Access to Gazan sea ports has been denied. The Oslo Accords promised a seaport for Gaza in 1993. Construction was put off for 'security concerns'. In 2000 construction began. In 2001, Israel bombed destroyed what had been constructed of Gaza's seaport , citing a mortar had been fired from it. Western diplomats denied this as they said it was a secure site.
Access to Gaza by air was denied from 1967 until 1998 and then denied again after 2001 when the airport was destroyed by Israel attack.
The following reports document the impact of the blockade on Gaza from 1967-present.
One Big Prison: Freedom of Movement to and from the Gaza Strip on t...
B'Tselem, March 2005
Shortly after the 1967 war, the Israeli army issued two orders declaring the Gaza Strip and the West Bank closed military areas.4 The closed-area status changed in 1972, with the issuance of orders declaring “a general exit permit” from the two areas.
[Although this 'general exit permit regime' was by no means a right to freedom of movement, but a very controlled application of this right]
Israel’s current policy on access into and out of the Gaza Strip developed gradually during the 1990s. The main component is the “general closure” that was imposed in 1993 on the Occupied Territories and has remained in effect ever since...
During the first intifada(1987-1993), Israel frequently took advantage of its ability to prevent Palestinians from leaving the Gaza Strip to go abroad. Since the perimeter fence was built, Palestinians have been unable to enter or leave the Gaza Strip without Israel’s approval...
However, even after the plan is implemented, Israel will continue to maintain absolute control over the land borders of the Gaza Strip, and of the Gaza Strip’s air space and territorial waters. As a result, even after disengagement, Israel will control the movement of people and goods to and from the Gaza Strip. Despite this, the government expressly states that disengagement will “invalidate the claims against Israel regarding its responsibility for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”3
This report has a dual purpose. First, the report documents the grave and prolonged violation of human rights resulting from Israel’s control of the movement of people and goods between the Gaza Strip and the rest of the world...
Israel uses three primary forms of punishment:
Total closure: Israel imposed a sweeping prohibition on entry into Israel for any purpose; the safe passage between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is closed; the international border crossings (Rafiah border crossing, the Palestinian airport in Rafiah and the Allenby bridge) have been closed intermittently.
Internal closure: A siege, enforced through road blocks, prevents entry and exit from areas, towns and villages. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians are under siege: they do not receive shipments of basic supplies, and they cannot leave their communities, even to travel to neighboring areas for medical care, or to go to work or school.
Curfew: The most sweeping and extreme restriction on movement imposed on Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, curfew imprisons an entire population in their homes. For example, Palestinians in the H2 area of Hebron have been under curfew almost continuously for three months. The curfew is imposed for the convenience of settlers in the area, and of course does not apply to them.
The report concludes that the character and timing of Israel's restrictions on freedom of movement challenge the contention that these restrictions are dictated purely by security considerations: Israel imposes sweeping closure, curfew and siege on millions of people rather than on individuals who pose a security threat.
Divide and Rule: Prohibition on Passage between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank
Information Sheet, B'Tselem, June 1998
The denial of passage between the West Bank and Gaza Strip imposes hardships on virtually the entire Palestinian population. First degree relatives may be separated for years, unable to attend weddings and funerals of parents or children. The lack of passage also has serious detrimental affects on economic development, health and education. The report discusses two surprising and significant findings:
Individuals are denied permits without explanation or the right to appeal. In several instances, an individual was denied a permit on security grounds yet granted a permit following an appeal by B'Tselem or another human rights organization. This pattern strongly suggests that the authorities deny permits in a random and baseless manner.
Without Limits: Human Rights Under Closure,
B'Tselem, April 1996
The measures taken by Israel also reflect a policy of discrimination against Palestinians based on nationality. When Israelis carried out violent acts against Palestinians, such as the massacre at the Cave of the Patriarchs, the government honored the principle that each individual is responsible for his or her own acts, and refrained from collective punishment against the perpetrators' families.
The Israeli authorities have not presented a shred of evidence to substantiate its claim that these measures will deter future attacks. Indeed, their efficacy as security measures is liable to be short-lived. Measures like imposing a closure on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, imposition of curfews on whole villages, and demolition of houses of families of Palestinians suspected of killing Israelis, leaving entire families homeless, are liable to backfire and increase acts of violence.
The Closure of the West Bank and Gaza Strip: Human Rights Violations Against Residents of the Occupied Territories
A/RES/2546 (XXIV) 11 December 1969
Gravely alarmed by fresh reports of collective punishments, mass imprisonment, indiscriminate destruction of homes and other acts of oppression against the civilian population in the Arab territories occupied by Israel
Yearbook of the United Nations 1969 Volume 23
The emergency feeding programme introduced after the 1967 hostilities was maintained throughout 1969; those benefiting from this programme were mainly newly displaced refugees, but assistance was also provided to some others on the West Bank and in Gaza.